India’s Jobs Story: More People at Work, But Are They Getting Good Jobs?
BUSINESS • MARKETS • PEOPLE • INSIGHT
More people at work—but are they getting good jobs?
India’s latest labour survey shows a workforce
dominated by self-employment, a modest rise in regular salaried work and
persistent differences in participation and earnings. The harder question is
whether work delivers adequate income, security and purchasing power.
By Biz
Masala | 20 October 2026

Hero
photograph: Garment workers on a factory production floor. Image supplied by
the editor; original source and publication rights must be confirmed before
publication.
At a glance: India’s labour market in 2025
|
Indicator |
PLFS 2025 figure |
|
Labour-force
participation rate, age 15+ |
59.3% |
|
Worker
population ratio, age 15+ |
57.4% |
|
Unemployment
rate, age 15+ (usual status) |
3.1% |
|
Workers
self-employed |
56.2% |
|
Workers
regular wage/salaried |
23.6% |
|
Workers
casual labour |
20.2% |
|
Agriculture
share of workers |
43.0% |
|
Manufacturing
share of workers |
12.1% |
|
Women’s
nominal earnings growth: self-employed / salaried / casual |
8.8%
/ 7.2% / 5.4% |
Source: MoSPI, Periodic Labour Force Survey
Annual Report 2025. Indicators use the report’s stated definitions; they are
not all interchangeable. The survey’s design changed in January 2025, so direct
comparison with earlier PLFS annual estimates requires caution.
The headline unemployment rate does not tell the whole
story
India’s Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS)
for calendar 2025 put the usual-status unemployment rate for people aged 15 and
above at 3.1%. The same report estimated the labour-force participation rate at
59.3% and the worker population ratio at 57.4%. These measures answer different
questions: unemployment counts people in the labour force who are without work
and seeking or available for work; participation measures the share working or
seeking work; and the worker-population ratio measures the share actually
working.
A low unemployment rate therefore does not,
by itself, prove that enough well-paid jobs are available. People may be
self-employed, helping in a family enterprise, working casually or doing work
that provides irregular earnings. Some people who would prefer a job may not be
counted as unemployed if they are not actively seeking work or are not
available under the survey definition.
The survey also shows why definitions
matter. PLFS moved to a redesigned sample and a January–December reporting year
from 2025. MoSPI explicitly cautions that 2025 annual estimates may not be
strictly comparable with earlier annual reports because sampling and estimation
methods changed. Any long historical chart must account for that break rather
than present a seamless trend.

Chart 1. Labour-force participation rate by sex, age 15+,
usual status, 2025. Source: MoSPI PLFS 2025.
What kind of work are Indians doing?

Photograph:
Industrial workers in a factory setting. Image supplied by the editor; original
source and publication rights must be confirmed before publication.
Self-employment remained the largest
category in 2025, accounting for 56.2% of workers in usual status. Regular wage
or salaried employment represented 23.6%, while casual labour accounted for
20.2%. The share in regular salaried work was higher than the 22.4% reported
for 2024, while the self-employed share fell from 57.5%.

Chart 2. Share of workers by broad employment status, 2025.
Source: MoSPI PLFS 2025.
The rise in the salaried share is worth
watching, but it does not alone establish that work is secure or adequately
paid. ‘Self-employed’ covers very different situations—from established
entrepreneurs to small own-account workers and unpaid helpers in household
enterprises. Salaried jobs also vary widely in pay, benefits, contract terms
and stability. The quality question requires evidence on earnings, hours,
social protection and job continuity.
Wages are rising in money terms. What about purchasing
power?

Photograph:
Women working on a garment production line. Image supplied by the editor;
original source and publication rights must be confirmed before publication.
MoSPI reported that women’s average nominal
earnings increased between 2024 and 2025 across the three broad work
categories: 8.8% for self-employed women, 7.2% for women in regular wage or
salaried work, and 5.4% for women in casual labour. These are nominal changes:
they describe earnings in rupees, not how much more those rupees can buy.

Chart 3. Reported nominal earnings growth for women, 2024–25.
Source: MoSPI PLFS 2025.
To judge purchasing power, earnings growth
must be compared with an appropriate inflation measure for the same period and,
where possible, the same population. Household budgets differ by location and
income: food, rent, transport, school costs and healthcare can weigh
differently on rural and urban workers. This draft does not claim that the
reported increases represent real wage gains; that calculation requires aligned
earnings and price series.
Average earnings also hide the spread
between workers. A national mean can rise even if some workers see little
change. The next reporting step is to compare rural and urban pay, sex, work
status and state-level earnings, while clearly identifying whether figures are
daily wages, monthly earnings or annual income.
Women’s work: participation is not the same as equality

Photograph:
Agricultural workers planting rice. Image supplied by the editor; original
source and publication rights must be confirmed before publication.
The 2025 survey put the female labour-force
participation rate for people aged 15 and above at 40.0%, compared with 79.1%
for men. These are participation rates, not employment rates and not measures
of equal opportunity. They include people working or seeking/available for work
under the survey’s definition.
Women’s nominal earnings growth was faster
than men’s in some reported categories, but faster percentage growth does not
mean the underlying earnings gap has disappeared. A smaller starting amount can
produce a higher growth rate while the rupee difference remains substantial.
Nor does an average gap automatically measure unequal pay for the same job:
occupation, hours, seniority, industry and work status all matter.
The survey also records that domestic
responsibilities and care are important reasons some women are outside the
labour force. Better analysis therefore needs to look beyond the headline rate:
access to safe transport, childcare, flexible work, skills and local employment
opportunities can affect whether paid work is feasible.
Andhra Pradesh and Telangana: ask the same questions
locally

Photograph:
An automotive assembly line. Image supplied by the editor; original source and
publication rights must be confirmed before publication.
National averages can conceal large
differences between states and between rural and urban districts. For Andhra
Pradesh and Telangana, a useful comparison should place the same measures side
by side: labour-force participation, worker-population ratio, unemployment,
employment status, sector of work and earnings. Where possible, the analysis
should separate rural and urban areas and men and women.
Wage comparisons require extra care. A
daily agricultural wage cannot be compared directly with a monthly salaried
income, and neither should be multiplied mechanically into an annual income
without accounting for days worked, seasonality, unpaid periods and benefits.
Per-capita state income is also not the same thing as an average worker’s
salary.
For a state-level follow-up, Biz Masala
should combine the PLFS state tables with Labour Bureau wage data and state
economic surveys. The result should identify not just which state has a higher
average, but the kind of work behind the number and the purchasing power it
provides.
What the data can—and cannot—say
|
What the data support |
What they do not prove by themselves |
|
Regular
salaried work accounted for 23.6% of workers in 2025. |
That
every salaried job is secure, formal or well-paid. |
|
Nominal
earnings for women increased in three categories. |
That women’s
real purchasing power rose by the same percentages. |
|
The
usual-status unemployment rate was 3.1%. |
That
everyone who wants a suitable job can find one. |
|
Self-employment
accounted for 56.2% of workers. |
That all
self-employment is either distress-driven or entrepreneurial success. |
The bottom line
India’s labour market cannot be judged by
one number. The 2025 PLFS shows that most workers were self-employed, less than
one-quarter were in regular wage or salaried work, and women’s participation
remained far below men’s. Nominal earnings rose in reported categories, but the
purchasing-power question requires a separate inflation-adjusted calculation.
The policy and business challenge is to
create more productive work with reliable earnings, safer conditions, skills
progression and access to social protection. For Biz Masala, the next step is a
state-by-state investigation of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, followed by a
deeper look at real wages. The aim is not to label the employment picture a
success or failure in advance, but to measure what workers actually experience.
Sources and notes
·
MoSPI, Periodic Labour Force Survey Annual Report 2025 (official
report) — https://mospi.gov.in/uploads/publications_reports/publications_reports1780040415321_0624fb13-fb47-40bc-b470-7c7e9635c3ef_PLFS_2025_F_REV_29052026.pdf
·
PIB, Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, PLFS 2025
release, 27 March 2026 — https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2246009&lang=2®=48
·
MoSPI, explanation of the 2025 PLFS methodological changes — https://www.mospi.gov.in/sites/default/files/publication_reports/PLFS_Changes-in-2025_rev.pdf
·
MoSPI Consumer Price Index portal for inflation series — https://cpi.mospi.gov.in/
Editorial note: This is a first-cut feature
based on official survey releases. Figures are attributed to PLFS 2025 and use
its definitions. Comparisons with earlier PLFS rounds need methodological
caution. All five visuals are labelled editorial illustrations; charts use the
stated official figures. Real wage growth and detailed AP–Telangana comparisons
are identified as follow-up reporting rather than asserted without aligned
data. Photographs were supplied by the editor; verify original provenance, photographer
credits and republication permissions before publishing.
BIZ MASALA
Business. Markets. People. Insight.

Business
journalism with context, evidence and accountability
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